Muslims were forced to barricade themselves in a mosque after a racist man stripped n*ked and shouted abuses before climbing a crane and exposing himself.
Dan Morrison was filmed singing 'I'm Catholic till I die, and Christian as well' before shouting racial slurs at worshippers. He shouted at nearby residents before going into the mosque's grounds, taking his clothes off and chanting.
The 26-year-old was arrested for the hate crime outside Folkestone Mosque, Kent, around 9pm on July 7. One witness described the incident as like 'a bad dream' , and said: 'Fear started to sink in as he was stripping n*ked and threatening to use violence.
'My friend got hurt when he was trying to stop the man from entering the mosque. The man got extremely upset and he started to climb up the construction crane. 'My friend talked to the man and eventually managed to get him to climb down the crane and put his pants on.
'The man started crying. The police eventually arrived and he was arrested.' Morrison pleaded guilty to a charge of exposure and two further charges of racially aggravated behaviour and religiously aggravated behaviour. Magistrates in Medway sentenced him to 26 weeks in prison and ordered him to pay a £115 victim surcharge.
July 21, 2017 – Dr Olu Onagoruwa Is Dead: Former AGF & Justice Minister Dies Today A key figure in Nigeria's human rights struggle has died.
Dr Olu Onagoruwa lost his battle to an age related illness in the wee hours of today Friday the 21st of July 2017. The deceased was the former Justice Minister and Attorney General of the Federation between 93 and 94.
Late Onagoruwa who was the Minister of Justice during Abacha regime had to quit the post few months after he was appointed due to agreements with the then military government.
The founder of Onagoruwa Chambers studied Law at the University London where he obtained LL.B; LL.M & PhD before returning to Nigeria where he attended the Nigerian Law School.
He is survived by many children and great grand children. May his soul rest in peace (amen).
PROOF OF EMPOWERMENT . This is Honourable Bolaji Badmos representing Akinleye Constituency 2 at the Oyo State House of Assembly when he was empowering his people in his constituency from his personal pocket because none of the lawmakers in this 8th Assembly in Oyo State has received constituency allowance.
. The Honourable still distributed blocks, roofing pans, bags of cement to build mosques, houses, halls etc. . Honourable Bolaji Badmos is working and representing to empower poor people and giving them greater control over their own development is closely linked to, and reinforces, working to build accountable and responsive representation that can meet the needs of poor people. He also supports the development of inclusive welfarism through which poor people's interests can be meaningfully represented.
CyberProf-Alabi Samuel Johnson ThePion'r-Pundit Media Aide & Publicity
Oyo govt orders reopening of state college of education . The Oyo State Governor, Abiola Ajimobi, on Wednesday ordered the immediate reopening of the Emmanuel Alayande College of Education, EACOED, Oyo. .
A statement by Yomi Layinka, media aide to the governor, said the order came against the backdrop of apologies and promises by the students' representatives that their colleagues will turn a new leaf. .
Mr. Ajimobi, who gave the directive shortly after meeting with the students' leaders, admonished them against unruly acts that might truncate the peace of the state. . .
The state government had through a statement by the state Commissioner of Education, Science and Technology, Adeniyi Olowofela, shut the college on June 2 in the wake of violent protests by some students of the institution.
On Wednesday, the governor warned the students against a recurrence of the violence, adding that dialogue and engagement “were civilised ways of resolving grievances and issues bordering on welfare, no matter how knotty they might be.”
“We have forgiven you. But you must turn a new leaf. We are grooming you to become future leaders, but not through acts of hooliganism, destruction or any form of violent protest over issues that will still be resolved through dialogue and engagement,” Mr Ajimobi said.
In his reaction, the Provost of the EACOED, Rasaq Adefabi, appreciated what he called the role played by the governor in resolving the crisis.
He disclosed that the school management had set up a counselling unit saddled with the responsibility of attending to the welfare and concerns of the students.
Meanwhile, the governor has restated his appeal to the stakeholders at the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, Ogbomoso, LAUTECH to allow unfettered access to auditors engaged to study the records of the institution.
This, he said, would pave the way for the reopening of the institution.
Currently rocked by crisis, LAUCTECH is also under lock.
Politics is a function of the environment in which it is practiced consequently politics is the same anywhere in the world. However the political terrain is different due to social, political, economic and cultural dimensions and the difference in environmental variables makes the practice of politics different from country to country. The Nigeria's environment is not different and its political culture is probably the most difficult to generalize not only because of its cultural and linguistic diversity of the Nigerian people also because of other factors such as religion, ethnicity, regional. There is no denying that a country with so much cultural and linguistic diversity, will present analytical problem of political and cultural dimension. Many authors and scholars in recent years have tried to overcome this problem by advancing several approaches and perspectives, which include ethnicity, ethnic pluralism, and ethno politics, institutional, structural, political economy approach with emphasis on materialism, probendalism, class and underdevelopments, clientelistic patronage politics. However from a general point of view, political instability in Nigeria over the years has immensely affected political behavior of Nigerian society and this was prevalent in Nigeria before 1999 (3rd republic). The main indices of political instability in Nigeria include the high turnover of governments (regime, structure, institutions, and personnel) occasioned by military coups, inconclusive and contested electoral outcomes, frequent changes in policy, political violence, and crisis of legitimacy, for example between 1960 and 1999 there were ten known military coups, and six of these were successful involving of government being overthrown 1966 (2), 1975, 1983, 1985, 1993 and 1998 in a replacement malaise, due to the demise of Army dictator Abacha. These were in addition to many unsuccessful coups. Within the same period the country had three civilian government, Tafawa Balewa, Shagari, and perhaps Shonekan. The period of rule during this period was averaging three years in any life of Nigeria government until the third republic that is now relatively stable. The situation is no different at State and Local levels, the situation is even more complex, for example at the inception of Nigeria, the states membership was three, but now 36, in addition to the federal territory and the local governments that were 306 now stands at 774 in 2014. A change in government usually results in policy change and new formation, with the capacity of destroying an old political cultural formation. This regime change at the federal, state and local levels, have also been attended by massive structural, institutional and policy change. Government ministries, departments, agencies, parastatals and other institutions were in an almost permanent state of restructuring with their executive heads constantly changed. These changes were necessary to affect discontinuity with previous dispensation as part of its legitimating process. Particularly notable in this regard were frequent changes in the revenue allocation system, taxation, monetary and financial regulation announced in the annual budget. Nigeria as I said at the beginning is a complex society, according to Osaghae with 250 identified languages of vary culture and religion. It has been labeled by Crowder (1974) as divided or deeply divided or the linguistic crossroad. And the country has serious religious divisions, especially between the Muslim and the Christian. These cleavages are problematic to politics because they are all mutually reinforcing and on the other hand, they tend to coincide with the major lines of social – economic and political inequalities and voting behaviour amongst society. There are others cleavages that weigh heavily on political culture in Nigeria society, such primordial formations are: civil liberty organizations, labour unions, students bodies, women organizations, alumni associations, professional associations, political movements and parties are important actors in shaping political behaviour in Nigeria society. Another important factor in the formation of political culture in Nigerian society is the character of the state. This can be broken down into three elements; the colonial nature of the state, its lack of relative autonomy, and the federal system of government. The basic point about the post colonial state in Nigeria is that it originated under the colonial rule, and that the perceptions and attitudes which attended the later rule is a legacy of the colonial rule even though efforts have been made by successive governments to put those perceptions to rest, but to no avail. The post colonial Nigeria is built around law and order, which was the hallmark of colonial legacy and the colonial government was itself an authoritarian authority, which relied on law and order as an instrument of coercion to sustain state power, both of which are conducive to military governance that characterized Nigeria for most of her existence as an independent entity. To facilitate its regulatory role and extractive roles, the post-colonial state centralizes the 'production' and distribution of national resources and in the context of state capitalism, this encourages the perception of the state as an instrument of accumulation and the patron-client ties as the dominant of political relations. Another attribute of the pre-colonial state with deep political roots in the colonial past is the negative attitude to government and its operators. The colonial state, was imported from Europe grew apart from state, and the society meant to serve the colonizer's interests. The nationalists led the anti- colonial movement, developed a notion for the society that the state was alien, what Osaghae (1998) described as 'interest begotten idea. The perception becomes ingrained in the national consciousness. The consequence was that society failed to develop any interest or stake in the state's well being, and sustenance, such that would have generated accountability, transparency, responsiveness and other aspects of moral ethos. Consequently, (Oyinbo or Ebo) white man does not deserve the citizen's obligations or duties, could be plundered to feather private nests. It is a popular Nigeria saying that 'government business is nobody's businesses and therefore there is nothing wrong in stealing from government funds, especially if not strictly for the benefit of the individual but also member of his community. This negative attitude may have served the needs of anti-colonial situation, negative attitudes towards the state and government became Achilles heel of the post- colonial state and many of the problems afflicted and disabled. In the past successive governments have tried to rectify this problem, there have been efforts such, as Green Revolution, JaJi Declaration (Obasanjo 1977) the Ethical Revolution, (Shagari) Anti- Corruption and Patriotism, Discipline and Self Reliance Mobilization Program (Military regime, 1980s and 1990s) War Against Indiscipline (WAI,), Mass Mobilization for Economic Recovery, Self Reliance and Social Justice (MAMSER) War Against Indiscipline and Corruption (WAIC) Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to mention but few. . Also important to political behaviour is the government role in its distribution role. The state in playing this role has run into counter productive gesture as 'Father Christmas' who distributes the national cake by the vast majority of the society. This perception has seriously hindered the development of the necessary social and political correlates of public finance. Most people believe that the government is a reservoir of what Osaghae (1998) reluctantly calls 'free money' (p.22) The pulls of these conceptions and perceptions make the reciprocity between the citizen's rights and duties which, are necessary for sound governance problematic, and detract from the entrepreneurial ethos required for transforming the state from a renter state to a truly productive capitalist one. Osaghae (1988) argues that the state is unable to change the perceptions and attitudes of the society because the state are themselves guided by the same codes and therefore reap huge benefit of political legitimacy from them. Consequently, there were attempts made to entrench a moral code for public service through agencies like the Code of Conduct Bureau, which was provided for by the 1979 Constitution. . In effect the state continues to exist in an amoral and disabling milieu, which permits actions, which would otherwise be reprehensible to society. The federal nature of the state, which Graf (1988) argues that Nigeria continuity as one nation lies in her 'capacity to evolve and maintain adequate system of federalism'. The Federal government was fully adopted in 1954, but has since been in decline as a result of creation of more states, underlines some of peculiar features of politics in Nigeria. There are demands for local political autonomy, demand for more equitable form of power and resources sharing, demands for more states creation by various ethnic groups even though this has rescinded. Another of these features is the 'live and let live' political culture, which moderates political competition in a way that makes exclusive domination of state power by a single group unacceptable which possibly led to the federal character policy, which was introduced in 1979 to ensure that every one had a fair deal emboldened this culture. Another important characteristic of political behaviour is the power relations and competition for power, this characterised the core politics. Nigeria, like most other countries in the world the elites dominate the political life. The masses of the society have come to accept this norm of political behaviour.